concurrent list:1973 constitution and

CONCURRENT LIST: 1973 CONSTITUTION AND RECENT POLITICAL DEVELOPMENTS

by

Amir Khan Goraya

11th January 2010

The Forum of Federations project in Pakistan is funded by the German Ministry of Foreign Affairs

Table of Contents 1. Introduction 2. Constitutional Development 3. Concept of a Federation 3.1 Distribution of Powers 3.2 Concurrency 3.3 Residuary Subjects 4. 1973 Constitution and Concurrent Legislative List 5. Recent Political Developments in Pakistan 5.1 Charter of Democracy 5.2 Constitutional Reforms Committee 5.3 National Finance Commission 5.4 Gilgit- Baltistan Empowerment and Self Governance Order 5.5 Balochistan Package 5.6 Fata and NWFP 6. Conclusions and likely future scenarios 7. Recommendations Map of Pakistan References

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1. Introduction Autonomy for self governance and political representation surfaced as core demands of the people of the Indian subcontinent led by a cadre of western educated nationalist leaders like Gandhi, Nehru and Jinnah in the 1930’s. In response to those demands, the Government of India Act 1935 was promulgated which granted limited autonomy to the provinces and special regions of united India under the British empire. The Act provided for the Governor to be the executive head of the province on behalf of His Majesty through Article 49 (1). Article 59 (5) mandated the Governor to conduct the affairs of the province in his discretion but, after due consultation with his ministers. The Act through Article 100 (1-3) and the seventh schedule also elaborated three detailed legislative lists; Federal, Provincial and Concurrent.

The proponents of provincial autonomy at that time and the Sindhi Nationalists to-date argue that some provinces of united India felt constrained even after the promulgation of Government of India Act 1935 and expected to gain more autonomy by joining Pakistan. Hence, provincial autonomy was the actual driving force in the partition of India.1

Pakistan came into being on the 14th of August 1947 as the largest Islamic country of the world, after the landslide victory of All India Muslim League in the 1946 elections. The creation of Pakistan was based on the religious ideology of Islam and the concept of two-nation theory advocating that Hindus and Muslims are two separate nations and Muslims being a minority should be entitled to an exclusive geographic unit where they can freely practice their religion. The primary argument provided for amalgamation of Muslim majority areas into one country at the time of partition and afterwards was the

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common religious belief i.e Islam. However, the Lahore Resolution of 1940, which was the basis for the creation of Pakistan, did also recognize the fact that Pakistan would be a combination of various autonomous regions of British India2.

The new country comprised of two geographical units, East Pakistan (now Bangladesh) and West Pakistan separated by a distance of more than a thousand miles. In the 1970 General Elections the Awami League of Sheikh Mujib-ur-Rehman won all but two seats in the East Pakistan consequently gaining an overall majority in the Parliament. The West Pakistan dominated military cancelled the scheduled parliamentary session and refused to hand over the power to the majority party.3 The East Pakistan separated in 1971 due to the denial of provincial autonomy, domination of West Pakistan’s civil and military bureaucracy and administrative challenges related to the geographic detachment.

Pakistan at present is a country of more than 165 million people, land area of 796,095 square kilometers bordering India, China, Iran, Afghanistan, and narrowly separated from Central Asia. The Federation comprises of four Provinces, Punjab, Sindh, North Western Frontier Province (NWFP), Balochistan and the special regions of Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK), Gilgit-Baltistan, Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) and Islamabad Capital Territory (ICT). The Provinces and federally administered autonomous regions are largely multi-ethic and multi-lingual. The most populated province is Punjab with 56 percent of the total population.

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The system of government is parliamentary with a bi-cameral legislature, Senate and the National Assembly. The Senate is indirectly elected and follows the principal of proportional representation from all provinces. The National Assembly is directly elected and more powerful than the Senate, seat allocation is on the basis of population and more than half of the members of the National Assembly hail from one federating unit i.e Punjab. According to the Article 91 (4) of the 1973 Constitution, the Cabinet together with its Ministers is answerable to the National Assembly of Pakistan.

Apart from being home to a diverse population and varying geographical conditions, Pakistan has a peculiar geo-strategic location, hostile eastern and western borders which run along the entire length of the country. It has been a focus of the significant attention ever since it came into being in 1947, first dubbed as a frontline state against communism, later as a proxy battle-field for 1979 Soviet-Afghan war, ultimately again as a front line state - this time again terrorism. The international concerns further sharpened in 1998 when Pakistan forced its membership into the club of nuclear powers.

Over the years, the internal political developments in Pakistan have been extremely vulnerable to external interference in domestic affairs and a looming threat of potential violent conflicts in the region. The peculiar nature of external threat perception eased the un-checked build up of armed forces, augmented their influence in sensitive policy matters and increased their interference in political affairs. Therefore, the core democratic institutions like the Parliament, Judiciary and Media were never able to flourish under the subsequent autocratic regimes. The tradition of autocracy also

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facilitated the development of a cadre of political leaders inclined to follow dictatorial instincts, despite being democratically elected.

2. Constitutional Development In 1947, Pakistan adopted the Government of India Act 1935 with some amendments as the interim constitution, with an overwhelming assumption that the new country will function as a federal state. However, the amendments further strengthened the control of the central government over the provinces.4

Pakistan was in shambles at the time of independence. The new country inherited weak democratic institutions. The only developed institutions post independence were the colonial bureaucracy and the military, which were both the institutions of central government. The supremacy of the central government was established from day one due to the absence of representative institutions. A large number of migrated politicians also saw their survival in central supremacy rather than facing the electorate. To overcome the etho-linguistic divisions in the new state, the leaders sought to forge a new national identity based upon loyalty to the state, Urdu language (mother tongue of less than 7% of the people) and Islam5.

The first Constitution of Pakistan was promulgated in 1956, almost nine years after the independence. In the 1956 Constitution, the distribution of legislative powers between the federation and the federating units was enumerated in three lists. The federal legislative list had 30 items, the provincial list 94 and the concurrent list only had 19 items. Considerable powers were given to provincial legislatures. The division of

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legislative subjects suggest that this constitution was relatively decentralized compared to the Government of India Act 1935. The 1956 constitution was abolished by the martial law administration of General Ayub Khan in1958.

General Ayub Khan (1958-69) introduced a highly centralized Constitution in 1962 but, the East and West Pakistan were recognized as two federating units. The 1962 Constitution provided for a Presidential form of government and a single legislative list of 49 federal subjects including defence, external affairs, inter-provincial trade and commerce, national economic planning, currency etc. Legal framework order of General Yahya Khan’s martial law regime (1969-70) suggested a relatively decentralized federation. It stated that all powers, including legislative, administrative and financial, would be so distributed between the federal government and provinces that the provinces would have autonomy, with maximum legislative, administrative and financial powers.6

The 1973 constitution institutionalized the federal system; it introduced a quota system for representation of all provinces in the central bureaucracy; it created a bicameral Parliament, Senate as the upper house with equal representation from all provinces while allowing the majority province of Punjab to keep the lion’s share in the lower house i.e the National Assembly.7

The constitution was abrogated first in 1977 by General Zia-ul-Haq, then amended by the Parliament elected in the non party elections of 1985. The amendments empowered the President to dissolve the Parliament on his own initiative. After the demise of Zia in

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an air crash in 1987 party based General Elections were held in 1988 and Benazir Bhutto was elected as the first woman Prime Minister of the Islamic world. From 1988 till 1997 the controversial amendments made to the Constitution were used time and again by civilian Presidents to dissolve the National Assembly.

In 1997 Nawaz Sharif became the Prime Minister of Pakistan enjoying two third majority in the National Assembly and the Constitution was amended to restore the powers of the Prime Minister. General Musharraf took over the government on 12th October 1999 through a blood less coup, when Sharif removed him from the position of military chief and the constitution was held in abeyance once again. The Parliament elected in 2002 legitimized the Musharraf regime and introduced the 17th Constitutional amendment which vested enormous powers in the President, including the one to dissolve the National Assembly at his behest.

The major political parties Pakistan People’s Party (PPP) led by Benazir Bhutto, Pakistan Muslim League (Nawaz) PML(N) led by Nawaz Sharif and smaller nationalist parties like Awami National Party (ANP) in NWFP and Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP) in Balochistan equivocally condemned the 17th Constitutional amendment.

After 2008 National and Provincial Elections PPP formed a coalition government in the centre, Sindh and Balochistan. In Punjab and NWFP the coalition is led by PML (N) and Awami National Party (ANP) respectively.

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3. Concept of a Federation The word “Federal” comes from a Latin word foedus, which means a covenant or partnership in which individual groups consent to unite voluntarily without giving up their fundamental rights or identities. Federation refers to a type of government and governance that is established voluntarily to achieve unity while preserving diversity. Most federations have two orders of Government National and Provincial. However, some newer federations like India, Nigeria and South Africa recognize Municipal (local) Government as a third order.8

The essence of federalism is that two constitutionally established orders of government are autonomous and accountable to their own electorates9. In case of Pakistan, most Provincial Assembly constituencies squarely fall under a National Assembly constituency, one National Assembly constituency is an amalgamation of 2-3 Provincial Assembly constituencies. Shared electorate facilitates the joint accountability of the actions of the National and Provincial Assemblies.

Despite the fact that there maybe a lot of commonalities among federations, there is no specific design of a federal state. However, most federations require written constitutions because federations are voluntary creation of federating units having no inherent powers. Federal constitutions are living documents, which evolve over time and in line with the ever changing requirements of a heterogeneous population.10

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3.1 Distribution of Powers The distribution of powers in federations follows two models: a) Dualist model which assigns different jurisdictions to each order of government to deliver and administer its programs b) Integrated model which provides for many shared competencies and constituent unit governments administer centrally legislated programs or laws. Many federations have features of both models. The dualist model does not have a complete separation of powers because many issues can have regional, national and international dimensions. All dualist constitutions have some elements of concurrency.11

3.2 Concurrency Concurrency means simultaneous authority of the two autonomous orders of government over subjects of mutual importance. All federal constitutions recognize some areas of exclusive jurisdiction for each order of the government e.g defence and currency are widely accepted to be federal subjects. However, it is difficult to categorize certain subjects as exclusive domain of one order of the government within a federation e.g Health and Education at different levels. Even in federations like Switzerland, Canada and Belgium, where most powers are assigned to one level of the government, it is virtually impossible to define water-tight compartments of jurisdiction.12

The absolute separation of powers, roles and responsibilities in all subjects despite written constitutions is not always possible. The court orders and evolving practices over a period of time also determine the revised division of power mostly in the case of

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short and un-detailed constitutions of older federations e.g. in US Constitution there is no list of concurrent powers but there is a huge field of politically and judicially accepted concurrency13. Apart from recognized or documented concurrent arrangements there is always a strong element of de-facto concurrency in federations. Distribution of powers among two orders of the government also necessitates the presence of a concurrent legislative list to achieve a neat separation.

Concurrency has many advantages like harmonizing the legislative approach between the center and the provinces, flexibility in the distribution of powers and providing local level inputs into policy making14. However, despite some apparent advantages of concurrency, the concurrent legislative list of 1973 constitution is a subject of considerable tension between the center and the provinces in Pakistan. The proponents of provincial autonomy in Pakistan often demand complete abolishment of the concurrent list.

In practical terms there always are seeds of a possible conflict if two orders of the government have the same powers15. Written constitutions normally provide a recipe for resolving this kind of a conflict. In most cases the federal legislature becomes supreme e.g. Article 143 of the 1973 Constitution, gives absolute authority to the federal Parliament in case of conflicting legislation.

3.3 Residuary Subjects The subjects or areas which are not mentioned in any legislative list are classified as residuary subjects and are normally considered as the domain of the constituent unit.

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Article 142 (c) of 1973 Constitution allows the Provincial Assembly to make laws with respect to any matter not enumerated in either the Federal Legislative List or the Concurrent Legislative List.

4. 1973 Constitution and Concurrent Legislative List The 1973 constitution was enacted by the National Assembly in April 1973 and came into force on 14th August 1973. The Objectives resolution passed by the first constituent assembly in 1949 was inducted as the preamble of the constitution.16

The 1973 constitution, a landmark in the democratic history of Pakistan was developed under the supervision of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the founder of PPP and then Prime Minister of Pakistan. All significant political forces of that time agreed on the salient features of the Constitution. The Constitution was promulgated at a time when the nation had suffered the trauma of losing East Pakistan. The separation of East Pakistan is significant because it was mainly due to grievances against the centre and smaller federating units, allegedly suppressing the majority population of East Pakistan. Hence, the consensus building on the 1973 constitution was also facilitated by the fear of further disintegration.

Chapter V, Articles 141-159 of the 1973 Constitution governs the relations between the federation and the provinces. The 1973 constitution provides for

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a) Federal Legislative List (67 subjects): parliament has the exclusive power to make laws with respect to any or all subjects enumerated

in the federal

legislative list b) Concurrent Legislative List (47 subjects): parliament and provincial assemblies can make laws with respect to any matter the concurrent legislative lists

Articles 153 to 155 of the Constitution mandate the formulation of the Council of Common Interests (CCI). The Council membership comprises of all four Provincial Chief Ministers and an equal number of members from the Federal Government to be nominated by the Prime Minister. Normally, the Prime Minister Chairs the council, otherwise the President can nominate a Federal Minister as Chairperson.

During the initial discussions over the future Constitution in 1972, the leaders of the political parties in the Constituent Assembly expressed a strong resentment against the absolute control exercised by the central government over matters of oil, gas, electricity, river waters, dams, railways, industrial projects etc. The innovative provision of CCI was laid down in the Constitution to satisfy the demands of leaders of all four provinces.17

The Supreme Court also ruled in 2006 that establishment and working of CCI is a cornerstone of the Federal structure providing for protection of the rights of the Federating units18. However, this valuable forum has never been effectively utilized.

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5. Recent Political Developments in Pakistan The PPP Government elected in February 2008 has stated it’s commitment to promote federalism by granting more provincial autonomy and addressing the sufferings of the people of all provinces.

5.1 Charter of Democracy The Charter of Democracy was signed on 14th May, 2006 between Nawaz Sharif and Benazir Bhutto in London. The Charter brought closer the two largest political parties of Pakistan, PPP and PML(N). The parties pledged to join hands to get rid of the dictatorial regime of General Musharraf and bury the hatchets of the past in order to restore democracy in Pakistan.

The Charter of Democracy pledged to restore the 1973 constitution as on 12 th Oct 1999 by repealing the 17th Constitutional amendment which gave sweeping powers to the President of Pakistan. The appointment of the Judges was foreseen through an independent commission headed by the Chief Justice and the Prime Minister was to be the appointing authority for armed forces chiefs and provincial governors. The Charter envisaged to abolish the concurrent legislative list, institute a new NFC award, include Federally Administered Tribal Areas (FATA) in North Western Frontier Province (NWFP) and empower the Northern Areas. The charter further promised to provide good governance to the common citizen, impartial accountability and free and fair elections. The Charter pledged to review all indemnities and savings introduced by military regimes in the constitution and placement of defence budget before the parliament.19 In short, the Charter signed by the head of the two most powerful parties of Pakistan did

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recognize the fundamental issues related to the political turmoil in Pakistan for the last few decades.

In the past, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif were seeking the support of military to consolidate their governments and gain superiority in political conflicts. The role of military was obvious in the civilian governments in the decade of nineties. The Charter of Democracy was a signal that Pakistan’s most prominent civilian leaders were prepared to change the nature of their political engagement with the military in a fundamental way. The PPP and the PML N expressed their willingness to accept the due role of opposition and pledged not to undermine each other through extra constitutional methods in the future.20

After the 2008 general elections Nawaz Sharif and Asif Zardari once again expressed their commitment to follow the Charter of Democracy. The demand of PML (N) is to fully implement the Charter of Democracy, however, PPP government is following an approach of implementing selective clauses in a limited way like the institution of constitutional reforms committee, promulgation of Balochistan package and Gilgit Baltistan order etc.

5.2 Constitutional Reforms Committee The Constitutional Reforms Committee (CRC) was created in mid 2009. The 27 member committee comprises of Senators and Members of the National Assembly from all major political parties. The committee is deliberating on the future constitutional amendments and it is headed by a senior Parliamentarian, Senator Raza Rabani of

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PPP. There is an emerging consensus in the Committee to transfer the executive powers back to the Prime Minister previously acquired by General Musharraf through the 17th amendment of the Constitution.

The Constitutional Reforms Committee seems to be divided along the party lines. The PPP members seem to be in no hurry with the immediate scrapping of the 17th amendment. The PML-N continues to stress the immediate need for the passage of a comprehensive constitutional package. The smaller nationalist political parties like Awami National Party (ANP) have clearly articulated that they would not support any constitutional amendment unless the demands about greater provincial autonomy are accepted however, larger parties like PPP and PML (N) are supporting limited provincial autonomy. PML (N) and PML (Q) are against renaming NWFP as Pakhtunkhwa but, ANP seems persistent on this demand. The committee has unanimously decided to retain certain article of 17th Amendment e.g reduction in voting age 18 years, increase in the seat of NA, and provincial assemblies and voting rights of unities. However, in the rapidly changing political scenario the time frame of final deliberations is critical. The final recommendation of the committee may take until March 2010.21

5.2 National Finance Commission The Federal Government through the National Finance Commission constitutes a National Finance Award every five years and makes straight transfers of the revenue to the provinces. Article 160 (1) of the 1973 Constitution mandates upon the President to constitute the National Finance Commission (NFC) with representation from all four provinces.

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The federal government retains the main tax bases to exercise more political control and authority over the federating units. The divisible pool consists of (a) wealth tax (b) capital value tax (c) sales tax (d) export duties (e) custom duties (f) excise duties and (g) any other tax collected by federal government.

Pakistan is a country where one finds huge disparity in living standard among the four provinces and a marked difference in rural and urban life styles within the provinces. Despite that the only criteria the NFC previously took into consideration was ‘population’. Key factors like revenue generation, poverty level, income distribution, land area were not taken into account. The provinces always had strong objections on the only ‘population’ criteria because it favoured the largest federating unit i.e Punjab. Historically, there has never been a consensus on NFC award because the provinces demanded higher shares on a more equitable formula.

The Principle of Derivation holds that some or all of the revenues raised in a jurisdiction should stay there and provide a net benefit. Also when large pools or sources of taxes are shared, there are usually multiple criteria for sharing.22

The Charter of Democracy was the first step towards a more balanced NFC award, it promised a fresh NFC award along-with complete abolishment of the concurrent list. For the first time in the history of Pakistan NFC Award 2009 was unanimously approved by all four provinces and the sole criteria of population was replaced by a multiple factor formula taking into account population, poverty, revenue contribution and inverse

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population density. Award 2009 which was announced by the Prime Minister in the Baloch coastal city of Gwadar gave greater fiscal autonomy to the federating units by reduction in the share of federal government.

Given the fact that NFC Award 2009 has support of the two major political parties (PPP and PML-N) it is most likely that this consensus based approach can play a positive role in promoting provincial harmony in future.

5.4 Gilgit- Baltistan Empowerment and Self Governance Order The Northern Areas of Pakistan are viewed as strategically located adjoining areas of Jammu and Kashmir, which could be a solid pro-Pakistan support base in case of a plebiscite to determine the future of Kashmiri people. However, the administration of Northern Areas was separated from Azad Jammu and Kashmir (AJK) and assumed directly by the Federal Government in accordance with Karachi Pact of 1949, signed by the Governments of AJK and Pakistan.23

The Federal Government through an executive order approved ‘Gilgit-Baltistan Empowerment and Self Governance Order 2009’ in August 2009, aimed at giving full internal autonomy to Northern Areas, but without the formal status of a province. The name of Northern Areas was changed to Gilgit- Baltistan. The PPP, PML (N) and PML (Q) supported the decision in principle. The package replaces the Northern Areas Legal Frame Work Order of 1994.

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According to the reform spelled out in the order the legislative assembly shall have 24 directly elected members, six seats for women and three for technocrats. Gilgit Baltistan will have a public service commission, a chief election commissioner and an auditor general. The newly elected Gilgit Baltistan Assembly will formulate its own rules of procedure.24

The Gilgit- Baltistan elections in November 2009 were dominated by the PPP. For the first time large scale political activities by major political parties of Pakistan were witnessed in Gilgit- Baltistan. The national political leaders including Nawaz Sharif visited the area to campaign for their local candidates. The electoral campaigns were in fact a positive indicator for the future disposition of Gilgit- Baltistan.

5.5 Balochistan Package Balochistan is the largest province of Pakistan in terms of land area. Balochistan despite being rich in natural and mineral resources and largest producer of natural gas has always been one of the least developed parts of Pakistan in terms of human and infrastructure development. The very title of the Balochistan package “Aghaz-e-Haqooqe-Balochistan” meaning “the start of the rights of Balochistan” suggests the indifference of the federal government towards Balochistan for the last 62 years.

The Package passed by the Parliament on 23rd November 2009 promises that constitutional amendments about provincial autonomy being considered by the constitutional reforms committee will be addressed immediately and role of military and federal law enforcement agencies present in Balochistan will be reviewed in order to

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lessen the centralized control. The Prime Minister regarded the package as a beginning of a dialogue amongst estranged brothers.25

The Balochistan Package in recognizing the grievances of the Baloch people can be termed only as an introduction towards granting full provincial autonomy to Balochistan. The essence of the package lies in the ultimate legislation involved for the grant of provincial autonomy which would be subject to the recommendations of the constitutional reforms committee and willingness of major political forces to legislate accordingly.

The nationalist political parties Jamhoori Watan Party (JWP), Balochistan National Party (BNP) – Mengal, Balochistan National Party (BNP) – Awami, National Party (NP) and Balochistan National Movement (BNM) have stated that the package will not be able to deliver its promises without the relevant constitutional amendments and release of all political prisoners. Therefore, the success of the package becomes highly conditional upon the consensus on the recommendations of the CRC regardless of the sincerity displayed by the federal government.

5.6 FATA and NWFP The grand challenge that the PPP government and ANP’s ruling coalition faces today is the restoration of normal security situation in NWFP and FATA, which has become the focus of global attention due to the military action against religious extremists.

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FATA though closely associated with NWFP in terms of language, history and culture is situated exactly between NWFP and Afghanistan and has always been a semiautonomous region under the federal government. The integration of FATA into NWFP should have been the logical step after the independence of Pakistan in 1947, however, it was never proactively pursued by the central government. The result is that a poorly developed and loosely administered region finds itself in the middle of an intense global conflict. The already inflicted damage to the life and property is huge. According to the World Bank needs estimation of November 2009, reconstruction needs for the social, productive and infrastructure sectors is USD 361 Million, 296 Million and 273 Million respectively26.

The development package for NWFP and FATA is being viewed with a lot of scepticism, firstly because, it falls short of the requirements and secondly because, the package announced for District Swat of NWFP last year is yet to materialize in a meaningful way. A massive trust building exercise is mandatory on part of the central government to bring on board the ‘estranged brothers’, a term coined by Prime Minister Gillani for the unhappy federating units of Pakistan.

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6. Conclusions and likely future scenarios Federations require written constitutions, however, the relationship of the federating units is not only determined by the written constitution but also by the practices which evolve over time. In a democratic system, the will and welfare of the people reflected by their elected representatives should determine the level of autonomy of federating units.

Pakistan could not fully inherit the legacy of the democratic institutions of the British like India and experienced a checkered history of democracy. All three constitutions since independence in 1947 recognized the essentials of federalism in theory. The 1956 Constitution provided for three separate legislative lists. Article 109 of 1956 Constitution gave residual powers to the constituent units and Article 118 mandated the formation of NFC. Articles 132 and 144 of the 1962 Constitution also provided for the residual powers to the provinces and NFC respectively. Article 142 (c) of 1973 Constitution gives residuary powers to the provinces.

Federalism was always perceived to be the best system for Pakistan due to its peculiar circumstances, even the military rulers adopted it as a rhetoric to appease the federating units, however, despite explicit constitutional provisions, Pakistan mostly functioned as a unitary state.

The 1973 Constitution, in due time and with introduction of necessary amendments could have become a viable tool to lay the basis for genuine provincial autonomy and a well functioning federation in Pakistan. But in reality, the frequent disruption of the democratic order and abrogation of the Constitution did not allow the constitutional

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practices to evolve over time and the disgruntlement of provinces with the federation has been gradually increasing.

The provinces have been persistently demanding the abolishment of the Concurrent Legislative List as promised by the authors of the 1973 Constitution. However, the authors and practitioners of the 1973 Constitution were eliminated from the political horizon before they could attempt to fulfill their promises.

As discussed earlier, concurrency is a norm in federations, most federations accept concurrency and concurrent lists are enumerated separately within the constitution. The real issue for the provinces is the detailed nature of the legislative lists in 1973 Constitution, which spares only a few subjects as residual. Details can also be helpful if there are less established norms and practices however, minute details can also be instrumentalized for greater control by the central government, especially when there is an established tendency of centralization.

The first challenge, the civilian government of PPP faces is to restore the confidence of the provinces. Nationalist leaders have already started criticizing the recent initiatives of the federal government firstly, because they believe that the steps of the federal government fall short of their expectations and secondly, there already is a history of broken promises with regard to provincial autonomy.

The future of Pakistan hinges heavily on the political consensus on the issues of national importance and provincial integration. The alliance of PPP and PML (N) is

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critical in this regard to restore public confidence in the democratic order. So far both parties have displayed political maturity and refrained from direct confrontation on issues of national importance, despite disagreement on some fundamental matters. The fall out of a political confrontation among the political leaders can invite an increased involvement of military in politics and a possible military take-over. In such a scenario, the federation will be further weakened.

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7. Recommendations 

The major political parties should make efforts to develop a mutually agreed formula for step-wise implementation of the Charter of Democracy, if complete implementation is not possible in the prevailing circumstances



The Constitutional Reforms Committee should focus on building consensus among its members around core issue of provincial autonomy and then deliberate on specific clauses related to empowering the Senate, abolishing the concurrent list, and other necessary constitutional amendments in accordance with the aspirations of federating units



The positive initiatives like Gilgit-Baltistan, Balochistan and NWFP and FATA should be packaged as precursor towards genuine autonomy of federating units subject to further refinement in accordance with the aspirations of the local people and regional political parties



The Council of Common Interests (CCI) should function according to the constitutional mandate and can be entrusted with the task of reviewing the recommendations of the Constitutional Reforms Committee before tabling it in the Parliament



The Federal Government should promote an informed dialogue on the concept of interdependence of federating units and the possibility of adding more provinces to achieve a balance of power between the federating units 25

Map of Pakistan

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Rind, A. A. (2005) International Aid to Pakistan: Issues of Human rights, Equitable Development, and Peace in Sindh. International Conference on Sindh, September 24th, 2005. London UK. 3

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Chaudhry,I., Bhagwandas, R., Iqbal, J., Dogar, A.H., Abbasi, M.N., Jilani, T.H., Ashhad, S.S., Mirza, A.H.,Bhandari, K.N. (2006). Supreme Court of Pakistan Judgment (pp. 2 – 3). Constitution Petition No. 9 and Civil Petition Nos. 345 & 394. Pakistan People’s Party Official Website, (2006). Original Text of The Charter of Democracy (Online) http://www.ppp.org.pk/elections/cod.html [Last Visited: 29th Dec 2009] 19

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Anderson, G. (2010) Fiscal Federalism: A Comparative Introduction (pp. 54). Forum of Federations. Ontario, Oxford University Press. Ezdi, A. (2009) Kashmir’s legal status. The News, 16 July, viewed 6 Jan 2010. http://www.thenews.com.pk/editorial_detail.asp?id=188196 23

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Hassan, A. (2009) Autonomy package for NAs approved. Dawn, 7 Nov, viewed 6 Jan 2010. www.dawn.com/.../18-northern-areas-to-be-renamed-as-gilgit+baltistan-am-09 Najam, A. (2009) Full Text of Balochistan ‘Package’: Is it Enough?(pp. 2 – 8)(Online) http://www3.pakistaniat.com/2009/11/24/balochistan-package/ [Last Visited: 11th Jan 2010] 25

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